Personalization of Pakistani Politics | Editorials by CSS & PMS Aspirants
The following article, “Personalization of Pakistani Politics”, is written by Aaqib Hussain, a student of Sir Syed Kazim Ali. Moreover, the article is written on the same pattern, taught by Sir to his students, scoring the highest marks in compulsory subjects for years. Sir Kazim has uploaded his students’ solved past paper questions so other thousands of aspirants can understand how to crack a topic or question, how to write relevantly, what coherence is, and how to include and connect ideas, opinions, and suggestions to score the maximum.
Politics has long been dominated by individuals rather than institutions in Pakistan. Undoubtedly, the country, founded on democratic principles, struggles with political instability and weak governance due to the overwhelming influence of personalities over systems. From religious leaders to feudal lords and military figures to dynastic politicians, the nation’s political landscape remains trapped in a cycle where individuals hold more sway than democratic institutions. Indeed, this personalization of politics has eroded institutional strength, compromised governance, and impeded national progress. Thus, if left unaddressed, it threatens to push the country further into political polarization, economic stagnation, and democratic backsliding.
To understand the gravity of the issue, defining what personalization of politics entails is crucial. Undoubtedly, political institutions are the backbone of any democracy, designed to function independently of individual leaders. However, when political structures become weak, and personalities gain undue influence, individual whims dictate political decisions rather than collective policy frameworks. Globally, this trend is evident in countries where leaders – Modi in India, Putin in Russia, Trump in the United States (US), and Bolsonaro in Brazil – have shaped political outcomes through personal dominance, not institutional processes. Particularly in Pakistan, the situation is exacerbated by deep-rooted political traditions prioritizing individual loyalty over institutional integrity.
Historically, Pakistan’s political parties have functioned more as family-run enterprises than democratic organizations. For instance, the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) and the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) remain firmly in the hands of their founding families while the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) is almost entirely dependent on its leader’s political survival. Unquestionably, this trend extends beyond national parties, with regional political movements centred around powerful figures rather than ideology or institutional mechanisms. As a result, internal party democracy remains absent, which ultimately discourages fresh leadership and fosters nepotism.
Moving ahead towards discussing what factors are responsible for the personalization of Pakistani politics, religious affiliations play a crucial role in strengthening personality-driven politics in the country. Many religious and political parties have massive followings, with leaders treated as infallible authorities. To elaborate, Pakistan’s parties like Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam-Fazl (JUI-F) and Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan (TLP) attract support based on the personal influence of their leaders rather than policy-driven agendas. Thus, this blind allegiance fosters a political culture where individuals, rather than democratic principles in Pakistan, dictate political discourse and policymaking.
Moreover, feudalism has further entrenched personalized politics in Pakistan. Since independence, the country’s political structure has been dominated by landed elites, who wield significant influence over their constituencies. In rural areas, political allegiances are often based on kinship instead of ideology. Moreover, power landlords sway voters and control political decisions and socio-economic structures. Therefore, this has resulted in a political system where personal influence often predetermined electoral victories instead of public service or merit.
Furthermore, compounding these issues is the upset tide of civil-military relations in Pakistan, presenting a grim picture of the country’s political outlook. While formally an apolitical institution, the military has historically filled the country’s power vacuum via direct interventions through martial law or behind-the-scenes manoeuvring, shaping political affairs. This has always affected Pakistan’s political outcomes, which is evident in governance and policymaking. Thus, this further sideline democratic institutions and reinforces the role of personalities in political decision-making.
Similarly, civic participation remains alarmingly weak, which contributes to the personalization of politics. Indeed, with Pakistan’s literacy rates stagnating at around 60%, public engagement in policy discussions remains low. Moreover, many citizens participate in political processes only during elections, leaving policy formulation and governance decisions entirely in the hands of political elites. And the lack of informed debate and scrutiny allows powerful individuals to shape national discourse without accountability. Hence, with its algorithm-driven content, social media amplifies individual personalities instead of fostering policy-driven discussions.
As a result of this personality-centric political culture, Pakistan suffers from weakened institutions. Sorrowfully, political leaders prefer consolidating power by weakening structures that can act as checks on their authority rather than prioritizing institutional integrity. And the judiciary; bureaucracy; and election commission have frequently been criticized for lacking independence, which often functions under political pressure. Consequently, policy decisions are shaped by individual preferences, not collective wisdom, thereby leading to inconsistent governance.
Adding more to it, governance suffers when decision-making is concentrated in the hands of individuals. When policies are dictated by personal agendas instead of institutional frameworks, misallocation of resources and favoritism become rampant. This is reflected in Pakistan’s poor performance on international governance indicators, with bureaucratic inefficiency, corruption, and lack of transparency hampering national progress. Hence, government decisions often prioritize short-term political gains over long-term national interests without institutional oversight.
Furthermore, the personalization of politics fuels nepotism, undermining meritocracy in governance. In fact, when appointments are based on loyalty rather than competence, critical institutions are staffed by individuals who lack the skills necessary to drive national progress. This has resulted in widespread inefficiencies across education, healthcare, and economic management sectors. Simply put, 800,000 Pakistanis emigrating annually due to poor economic and governance conditions shows Pakistan continues to lose skilled professionals and become a hub of incompetent people.
Another alarming consequence of personalized politics is the increasing drift towards authoritarianism. Truly, leaders who consolidate power often resort to suppressing opposition through media censorship, political victimization, and legal manoeuvring. And recent reports, including the Economist Intelligence Unit’s Democracy Index, indicate Pakistan’s continued decline toward authoritarian governance. Therefore, this has not only restricted democratic discourse but has also discouraged foreign investment, further stalling economic growth.
Moreover, the erosion of the rule of law has become a significant concern. Verily, when political loyalty supersedes legal frameworks, corruption and injustice thrive. And the ordinary citizen loses faith in the judiciary, law enforcement agencies, and governance structures. Additionally, investors are hesitant to operate in a country with weak legal protections, leading to a decline in Foreign Direct Investment (FDI). Hence, Pakistan’s FDI levels are currently at their lowest in decades due to the unpredictable legal and political environment, ultimately shaking its foundation.
However, some argue that personalization of politics is inevitable in developing democracies where institutions are still evolving. For instance, charismatic leadership often fills the governance vacuum in societies where literacy rates are low and political structures are weak. And some proponents also claim that strong leaders can provide stability in times of crisis. But history has shown that personality-driven politics does not lead to sustainable governance. Although strong leadership may offer temporary stability, it ultimately weakens democratic institutions and fosters long-term instability.
Similarly, some defenders of Pakistan’s personalized political system argue that individuals, not institutions, must inspire mass political engagement. They contend that public mobilization in Pakistan largely depends on the personal appeal of leaders rather than policy discussions. However, this perspective ignores that genuine political engagement must be based on ideology, policies, and institutional integrity instead of personal charisma. Hence, the reliance on individual figures prevents the emergence of a political culture rooted in democratic values and long-term policy planning.
Nonetheless, to break this cycle, Pakistan must undertake serious reforms. First, strengthening the country’s democratic institutions is crucial for curbing the influence of individuals in political decision-making. To do so, parliament, judiciary, and bureaucracy must be independent and efficient to function without political interference. So, ensuring transparency in appointments and governance would help restore public trust in Pakistan’s institutions.
Additionally, increasing civic participation in Pakistan is vital. By doing so, the country’s voter turnout must be improved, and public engagement in political discourse should be encouraged beyond elections. In this case, media – traditional and digital – can play a critical role in fostering political awareness. Instead of amplifying individuals, media platforms should prioritize policy discussions and institutional performance. Hence, if used effectively, social media can become a tool for informed political debate – strengthening civic participation – rather than a battleground for personality-driven narratives.
Finally, education remains the most effective weapon against personalized politics. To make it possible, investment in Pakistan’s literacy programs and critical thinking education can empower citizens to make informed political decisions. And a well-educated electorate is more likely to challenge dynastic politics and demand institutional integrity over personal loyalty. Thus, universities and think tanks should play a greater role in fostering policy discussions and shaping public discourse away from personality-driven politics in Pakistan.
In conclusion, the personalization of politics in Pakistan is a major obstacle to democratic stability and national development. It has weakened institutions, compromised governance, increased nepotism, and led to authoritarian tendencies. While some argue that strong personalities can provide stability, history has proven that sustainable governance depends on robust institutions, civic engagement, and an informed electorate. Thus, addressing these issues requires immediate action: strengthening institutions, promoting civic participation, and prioritizing education. Hence, only by moving beyond personality-driven politics can Pakistan realize its true democratic potential and achieve long-term national progress.
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