CSS Solved Political Science 2026 Past Paper | Concept of ‘End of History’ by Francis Fukuyama
The following question of CSS Political Science 2026 is solved by Miss Ayesha Irfan, a renowned CSS coach for Islamiat and Political Science. Moreover, the question is attempted using the same pattern taught by Sir Syed Kazim Ali to his students, who have scored the highest marks in compulsory and optional subjects for years. This solved past paper question is uploaded to help aspirants understand how to crack a topic or question, write relevantly, what coherence is, and how to include and connect ideas, opinions, and suggestions to score the maximum.
Question breakdown
The question requires explaining the theory of the “End of History” proposed by Francis Fukuyama, which argues that ideological evolution has culminated in the global dominance of liberal democracy and market capitalism. It further demands a critical evaluation, asking the candidate to present logical arguments either supporting this claim as a realistic description of post–Cold War political development or opposing it by highlighting ongoing conflicts, ideological diversity, and challenges to liberal democratic universality.
Outline
1- Introduction
2- Intellectual Foundation and Meaning of the “End of History” Concept
3- Key Arguments Presented in the Theory
4- Arguments Supporting the Concept
- The Global Proliferation of Representative Governance
- The Geoeconomic Integration of the Global Commons
- Institutional Hegemony and the Diffusion of Liberal Norms
- The Ideological Vacuum and the Eclipse of Grand Alternatives
5- Arguments Against the Concept
- The Persistence of the ‘Strongman’ Paradigm
- The Resurgence of Primordial Loyalties
- The Metaphysical Challenge to Liberal Universalism
- Democratic backsliding and crises within liberal states
6- Contemporary Relevance of the Debate
8- Conclusion
Answer to the question
Introduction
The 1989 fall of the Berlin Wall was not merely a tectonic shift in geography; it was a perceived “secular miracle” signaling the finality of human political evolution. In this optimistic vacuum, Francis Fukuyama posited that the exhaustion of viable systemic alternatives, Monarchy, Fascism, and Communism, marked the definitive victory of liberal democracy. This “End of History” thesis suggested a directional movement toward a universal ideological consensus. However, while the post-Cold War era witnessed an unparalleled expansion of the liberal order, the contemporary resurgence of authoritarian resilience, primordial tribalism, and internal institutional atrophy suggests that history has not reached a static terminus, but has rather entered a volatile cycle of ideological fragmentation
Intellectual Foundation and Meaning of the “End of History” Concept
Intellectually, the concept rests on the philosophical foundations of G. W. F. Hegel’s theory of historical progress and on Alexandre Kojève’s interpretation of human history as moving toward a universal state that satisfies the desire for recognition, dignity, and freedom. Following the collapse of the Soviet Union, the Washington Consensus emerged as the sole legitimate framework for governance. Liberalism was no longer just a Western preference; it was framed as the “final form of human government.” This period of unipolarity created a global belief that economic modernization would inevitably lead to political liberalization across all cultures, effectively ending the era of grand ideological warfare. Fukuyama adapted this framework, arguing that no coherent ideological alternative remained capable of rivaling liberal democracy’s moral legitimacy and economic efficiency. Thus, the “End of History” signifies the culmination of ideological evolution, not the cessation of political change, but the absence of any fundamentally new system likely to replace the liberal democratic order.
Key Arguments Presented in the Theory
The theory rests on the “universalization of Western liberal democracy as the final form of human government.” Fukuyama argued that while “events” would still happen in the “Third World,” the ideological evolution of the “First World” had reached its peak. He posited that the lack of a systemic rival meant that even if states were not yet democratic, they would eventually converge toward this model because it was the only one capable of satisfying both material desires through market capitalism and the psychological need for dignity through political rights.
Arguments Supporting the Concept
- The Global Proliferation of Representative Governance
First of all, the global proliferation of representative governance initially validated Fukuyama’s claims as the “Third Wave” of democratization swept through Eastern Europe and Latin America. In 1989, the number of democratic states stood at roughly 69, but by the early 2000s, this figure had surged to over 120, according to Freedom House data. This empirical expansion suggested that the ballot box had become the only source of political legitimacy. The transition of former Soviet satellites, such as Poland and Estonia, into stable democratic polities serves as textual evidence that the directional flow of history seemed aimed toward a singular, liberal destination.
- The Geoeconomic Integration of the Global Commons
Second, the geoeconomic integration of the global commons further solidified the liberal paradigm by weaving a borderless web of market capitalism. The “Golden Arches Theory” posited that no two countries with a McDonald’s would go to war, highlighting the pacifying effect of trade. Statistics from the World Trade Organization (WTO) show that global trade as a percentage of GDP rose from 39% in 1990 to 61% by 2008, illustrating a universal adoption of neoliberal structures. This economic convergence suggests that even nominally socialist states, like Vietnam, have integrated into the liberal economic order, effectively ending the debate over central planning versus market efficiency.
- Institutional Hegemony and the Diffusion of Liberal Norms
Third, Institutional hegemony and the diffusion of liberal norms have been championed by supranational “guardians” like the United Nations and the European Union. These bodies standardized global governance, making human rights the “lingua franca” of political morality. For instance, the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) doctrine adopted in 2005 demonstrated a global shift where state sovereignty became conditional upon the protection of liberal rights. This institutionalization of norms suggests that even when states fail to be democratic, they still pay lip service to democratic ideals, proving that no coherent universal rival currently exists to challenge the moral authority of the liberal order.
- The Ideological Vacuum and the Eclipse of Grand Alternatives
Fourth, the ideological vacuum and the eclipse of grand alternatives followed the historical discrediting of central planning and hereditary rule. Since the collapse of the USSR, no “Ism” has emerged with the same universal appeal as Liberalism; even the most ardent critics of the West often utilize the language of “human rights” or “democracy” to justify their actions. For instance, data from the Global Public Opinion surveys show that over 80% of the world’s population still prefers democratic governance in principle. This suggests that while regimes may be illiberal, they lack a competing Grand Narrative to replace the liberal democratic teleology.
Arguments Against the Concept
- The Persistence of the ‘Strongman’ Paradigm
The persistence of the “Strongman” paradigm, most notably the “China Model,” offers a direct rebuttal to the necessity of political liberalization. China has maintained an average GDP growth of 9% over three decades without adopting Western-style democracy, proving that authoritarian capitalism is a viable systemic rival. The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) serves as textual and physical evidence of a competing “Beijing Consensus” that prioritizes state-led stability over individual liberty. This decoupling of economic success from political freedom suggests that the “End of History” failed to account for the resilience of sophisticated, high-tech autocracies.
- The Resurgence of Primordial Loyalties
Moreover, the resurgence of primordial loyalties indicates a shift from ideological “Left vs. Right” to “Nationalist vs. Globalist” frictions. Samuel Huntington’s “Clash of Civilizations” thesis correctly predicted that cultural fault lines would replace political ones, as seen in the rise of Hindutva in India or hyper-nationalism in Russia. Nonetheless, data from the Pew Research Center highlights a global rise in “identity-based” voting, which prioritizes tribal belonging over liberal universalism. These movements suggest that humans are not satisfied with material comfort alone but seek recognition through distinct, often exclusionary, cultural and religious identities.
- The Metaphysical Challenge to Liberal Universalism
Furthermore, the metaphysical challenge to liberal universalism arises from theo-political movements that reject secular rationalism in favor of divine law. The rise of political Islamism or Orthodox traditionalism provides textual evidence of a rejection of the “Last Man’s” pursuit of mere material security. In states like Iran or Afghanistan, the governance model is intentionally built on a non-liberal “Telos” that views Western secularism as a historical aberration rather than a destination. This indicates that a large portion of humanity finds the liberal “End of History” spiritually and culturally vacant, fueling a return to older historical patterns.
- Democratic Backsliding and Crises within Liberal States
Last but not least, democratic backsliding and crises within liberal states, such as the January 6th Capitol riots or the rise of illiberalism in Hungary, reveal that the “final form” is susceptible to decay. The Economist Intelligence Unit (EIU) recently demoted the United States to a “flawed democracy,” citing extreme polarization and institutional atrophy. This internal erosion provides textual evidence that liberal democracy is not a static achievement but a fragile process. If the “heartland” of liberalism is struggling to maintain its own norms, the claim that history has ended in a democratic triumph appears premature and perhaps even teleologically arrogant.
Contemporary Relevance of the Debate
Today, the debate is more relevant than ever as the world transitions into a multipolar order. The Ukraine-Russia conflict and the US-China rivalry signify the return of “Great Power Politics,” a hallmark of the history Fukuyama claimed was over. This relevance lies in the tension between the globalized economic world and the fragmented political world. As we face global threats like Climate Change and AI, the debate centers on whether liberal institutions are agile enough to survive or if history is moving toward a new, yet-to-be-defined “Post-Liberal” era.
Conclusion
History is not a linear progression toward a static goal but a dynamic pendulum. Fukuyama’s “End of History” served as a profound post-Cold War milestone. Still, the 21st century reveals that human struggle, whether for power, identity, or survival, remains the enduring engine of the global narrative. While liberal democracy remains a powerful ideal, the return of geography and identity politics signals that the “Last Man” is still very much in the arena. History has not ended; it has simply reclaimed its characteristic volatility.
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